THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN:

Un boicot Construido sobre Bias , sábado por la, 16 de de junio de, de 2007 , The New York Times
Hace dos semanas participé en el inicio de este doctorado del año candidatos de la Universidad Hebrea de Jerusalén. La ceremonia se llevan a cabo en el anfiteatro en el Monte Scopus, que se enfrenta a cabo en el Mar Muerto y las montañas de Moab. El sol poniente enmarca los estudiantes graduados en un resplandor rojizo-anaranjado contra un espectacular telón de fondo bíblico.
Antes de describir el acto, sin embargo, tengo que señalar que coincidió con la noticia de que la británica Universidad y Colegio de la Unión habían llamado a sus miembros a considerar un boicot a las universidades israelíes, acusándolos de ser cómplices de la ocupación de los territorios palestinos por Israel.
De todos modos, ya que los candidatos de doctorado en hebreo U. Cada uno tenía sus nombres llamados a cabo y se levantó para recibir sus diplomas de la dirección de la universidad, seguido a lo largo del programa. Los nombres israelíes rodaron por:. "Moshe Nahmany, Irit Nowik, Yuval Ofir Pero entonces de vez en cuando oí un nombre árabe, como Nuha Hijazi o Rifat Azam o Taleb Mokari.
Desde que el programa aparece grados y de todos los asesores, yo los miré hacia arriba. Rifat obtuvo su doctorado en derecho. Su tesis fue sobre "Fiscalidad Internacional de Comercio Electrónico". Su asesor fue "Prof. D. Gliksberg." Nuha obtuvo su doctorado en bioquímica. Su asesor fue "Prof. R. Gabizon." Taleb tenía un asterisco por su nombre. Así que busqué en la parte inferior de la página. Se dijo: "Summa Cum Laude". Su tesis sobre la química era "Semiconductor-metal Interfaces", y su asesor era "Profesor U. Banin."
Estos eran estudiantes de doctorado árabes israelíes - muchos de ellos mujeres y uno de los cuales aceptan su título con un velo ajustado por encima de su cabeza. Divertido - ella podría recibir su título con un velo de la Universidad Hebrea, pero no pudo hacerlo en Francia, donde el velo está prohibido en las escuelas públicas. Familias árabes animaron descaradamente cuando sus hijos e hijas recibieron sus Ph.D. hebreo U. diplomas, al igual que los padres judíos.
¿Qué locura es esto, pensé. Premier de Israel universidad está dando de doctorado a estudiantes árabes, dos de los cuales eran de East Jerusalem - es decir, los territorios ocupados - supervisado por judíos profesores israelíes, a la vez que algunos académicos británicos extrema izquierda están llamando a boicotear las universidades israelíes .
Cuento esta historia para subrayar lo obvio: que la realidad aquí es mucho más compleja de lo que moralmente fuera de los entrometidos presentarlo. No tenga ninguna duda, he opuesto desde hace tiempo de Israel asentamientos posteriores a 1967. Se han despilfarrado miles de millones y degradado el Ejército israelí por lo que es un ejército de ocupación para proteger a los colonos y sus caminos. Y esa red de asentamientos y carreteras ha repartido la Cisjordania de una manera fea y brutal - mucho más feo que el de Israel amigos en el extranjero nunca admiten. De hecho, su silencio, sobre todo los líderes judíos estadounidenses, permitió a la locura de liquidación.

Pero tendría que ser un visitante ciego, sordo y mudo a Israel hoy no ver que la gran mayoría de los israelíes reconoce este error histórico, y no sólo aprobó de Ariel Sharon desarraigo unilateral de los asentamientos israelíes en Gaza para ayudar a remediarlo, pero elegida, Ehud Olmert, precisamente para hacer lo mismo en la Ribera Occidental . El hecho de que no está sucediendo ahora es apenas de Israel culpa solo. Los palestinos están en estado de agitación.
Así que para señalar a las universidades israelíes solo por un boicot punitivo rango antisemitismo. Vamos a ver, Siria está siendo investigado por las Naciones Unidas por el asesinato de la ex primera del Líbano ministro, Rafik Hariri. Agentes sirios son sospechosos de asesinar a los mejores periodistas libaneses amantes de la libertad, Gibran Tueni y Samir Kassir. Pero nada de lo que se mueve el extremo izquierdo para llamar a un boicot de las universidades sirias. ¿Por qué? Sudán está involucrado en el genocidio en Darfur . ¿Por qué hay boicot a Sudán? ¿Por qué?

Si los académicos de extrema izquierda que impulsan este boicot realmente se preocupaban por los palestinos que iban a llamar en cada británica Universidad de aceptar 20 estudiantes palestinos en becas completas para ayudar con lo que más necesitan - la construcción de los conocimientos necesarios para ejecutar un moderno Estado y la economía. Y que iban a llamar en cada universidad británica de enviar profesores visitantes a cada universidad palestina para ayudar a mejorar sus ofertas académicas. Y ellos desafiar a cada universidad israelí que ya ofrece de doctorado a los árabes israelíes para hacer aún más. Y ellos desafiar a cada universidad árabe de la misma manera.
Eso es lo que las personas que realmente se preocupan por los palestinos harían. Pero justo señalar a las universidades israelíes para un boicot, a pesar de toda la otra locura en el Medio Oriente - eso es lo que los antisemitas haría .--

Mahmoud Abbas

As events unfold in the wake of the Hamas Gaza takeover, there is a sense of deja vu. Despite the bloody consequences of our largely self-inflicted policies, we seem not to have learned any lessons from the bitter past.

Our leaders mindlessly repeat drivel about Mahmoud Abbas being a man of peace and moderation. Yet Abbas, who speaks with a forked tongue, heads a corrupt terrorist organization which is on the edge of unraveling.

Does our government believe that the Aksa Martyrs Brigade shave become peaceful? That the PA-administered schools have ceased brainwashing children to become martyrs? That Abbas no longer sanctifies suicide bombers and ceases to pay pensions to their families?

President George W. Bush may be obliged to refer to Abbas as a "peace partner," but must the prime minister of Israel be party to such a charade? More importantly, without receiving even a hint of assurance for the future, we have resumed paying the PA taxes and funds denied since the Hamas takeover.

We are being urged to remove checkpoints to provide greater Palestinian freedom of movement inside the West Bank, despite IDF protestations that this will endanger Israelis.

And, if that were not enough, we are now contemplating providing Abbas with additional weapons, including armored cars, despite knowing that arms previously provided to the Palestinians were ultimately employed to murder Israelis. Indeed only a few months ago, Abbas was appealing to Hamas to stop directing their weapons against fellow Palestinians and unite with Fatah against the Israelis.

TO TOP this insanity, the PA announced that Abbas's Aksa Brigades - which murdered more Israelis than Hamas and remains adamantly committed to promoting terrorism - will be absorbed into the Palestinian police force, which is already, per capita, the largest in the world.

With the standing of Abbas at an all-time low, we are also being implored not to make even minimal demands on him lest we "further weaken" him by making him appear a "collaborator."

And as a sign of good faith, we will release, gratis, 250 prisoners who could have been included in a future deal for the return of our kidnapped soldiers.

Yes, we should inform Abbas of our willingness to assist him. But not at the price of appeasement. There can be no further concessions without total reciprocity and genuine progress. Either Abbas commits himself to controlling terror or he should stew in his own juices.

It is public knowledge that billions of dollars, constituting more aid per capita than any other country, has been donated to the Palestinians by the international community. Yet large proportions of these handouts either disappeared into secret bank accounts or were diverted to finance terror. We must therefore insist that controls are introduced to ensure that such funds be employed exclusively for the welfare of Palestinians.

NOW IS also an opportune time to deal with Hamastan and overcome the sense of impotence currently pervading our government. We continually hear the mantra "There is no answer to Kassam attacks."

The long-suffering citizens in Sderot, who have been transformed into refugees in their own country, are being told by our government to stoically adjust their lifestyles to a regime of daily "Russian-roulette" missile attacks, or evacuate.

This depressing state of affairs has its genesis in the abandonment of the principal axioms of Israeli defense strategy. They include the obligation of the IDF to protect its civilians, even at the price of painful casualties; confronting the enemy on his own territory; and never endangering Israeli civilian lives or compromising our security in order to placate international public opinion.

Alas, in addition to living in dreamland, our leadership has become obsessed with a desire to demonstrate to the world that we are "nice" people. But the "nicer" we are, the worse it gets.

Consider the bitter harvest reaped since our unilateral disengagement from Gaza. Contrast our position now with the days when Israel was regarded as a tough nation unwilling to compromise with terrorists, and was respected and admired.

PARADOXICALLY, appeasement and unilateral concessions have
simply paved the way for unprecedented waves of global anti-Israeli hatred and a rejuvenation of anti-Semitism.

Today there are opportunities to prove our mettle. Gaza is no longer "occupied" and is effectively a mini-state.

We should therefore dismiss the insane idea of parachuting supplies into Gaza. Could we visualize the allies during the Second World War parachuting supplies to German civilians for "humanitarian reasons"? We should proclaim that we are sensitive to the humanitarian plight of Palestinians in Hamastan, but so long as Hamas continues orchestrating suicide bombings and launching rockets on Israeli civilians, we will not lift a finger to help them.

On the contrary, unless the terror is reined in, we will start applying the screws We should inform the world that we intend to respond as would any other nation whose citizens are under missile attack. While seeking to minimize innocent civilian casualties, if terrorists oblige us to choose between the lives of our citizens and those of Palestinians we have a moral obligation to defend our own.

Israel's deterrent effect must be restored. It is immoral, even obscene, for our government to consciously delay tough responses against the missile assaults. Must we await a strike on a kindergarten, hospital or key infrastructure before acting? Only a miracle has averted a calamity to date.

In the wake of each individual missile attack, we should, in a calibrated manner, commence cutting off electricity, fuel and water to Gaza and seal border crossings. It is surely bizarre to continue supplying services to neighbors whose leaders orchestrate missile attacks and openly boast that their non-negotiable objective remains to kill "the descendants of apes and pigs."

WE ALSO need to regain control of the Philadelphi Corridor in order to contain the flow of lethal Iranian armaments pouring across the border.

Targeted assassinations should be intensified against those orchestrating the attacks, including political leaders. This will possibly incur civilian casualties and we will no doubt be accused of responding "disproportionately." However proportionality cannot be a prime consideration when endeavoring to create deterrence to offset ongoing unprovoked attacks on civilians, which are acts of war.

As to morality, even setting aside comparisons to the behavior of other nations, there comes a point in a confrontation where one says: Enough is enough. That point has long been passed. In war a government must be motivated by one objective: to protect its civilians and minimize its military casualties. That is consistent with international law, common sense and morality and must override public relations.

The message to Gaza is neither brutal nor heartless. It is simple and constructive: Stop directing missiles, or bear the inevitable consequences. In fact, a tough Israeli response may encourage Palestinians to exert pressure on their leaders and, in the long run, even save Palestinian lives.

We must also dispel the illusion that appeasing jihadists can ever bear fruit. In fact, retreats and unilateral withdrawals under fire have without exception emboldened jihadists into intensifying violence, and have served as a prescription for greater subsequent conflagrations.

The writer chairs the Diaspora-Israel relations committee of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and is a veteran international Jewish leader. ileibler@netvison.net.il

This article can also be read athttp://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1183459188115&pagename=JPost/JPArticle

Los soldados judíos de Hitler

Se trata de un documental cinematográfico de largo metraje, cuyo título ya se convierte en un curioso enigma: Los soldados judíos de Hitler (Hitlers jüdische Soldaten). Filmado por un equipo alemán, con libreto y dirección de Heike Mundzeck, se apoya mayormente en las investigaciones genealógicas emprendidas por el historiador norteamericano Bryan Mark Rigg. Desde comienzos de la década del 90, Rigg (un egresado de la Universidad de Yale) comenzó a explorar los antecedentes de su familia germano-americana. Le llamó la atención que algunos de sus parientes habían muerto en el campo de Auschwitz, pero otros habían servido en la Wehrmacht, el ejército del Tercer Reich. Entonces resolvió profundizar su investigación. La s conclusiones que sacó de ese trabajo podrán sorprender a unos cuantos. Porque Rigg comprobó finalmente que unos 150 mil judíos sirvieron en las fuerzas armadas de la Alemania hitleriana. Claro que -según las clasificaciones de las leyes raciales de Nuremberg- se trataba de "medio" judíos, o de "un cuarto" de judíos, según tuvieran un abuelo, dos abuelos o tres abuelos de esa ascendencia. Entre esos judíos militarizados, Rigg encontró a muchos que llegaron a obtener destacadas condecoraciones por su comportamiento en los frentes de batalla. El libro que escribió entonces, "Hitler´s Jewish Soldiers: The Untold Story of Nazi Racial Laws and Men of Jewish Descent in the German Military", habla de los judíos en el ejército alemán e incluye abundantes referencias a la Primera Guerra Mundial, donde hubo oficiales superiores, generales y almirantes de sangre judía. El propio Hitler había recibido en 1915 la Cruz de Hierro de Primera Clase, gracias a la recomendación formulada por su superior, el teniente Hugo Gutmann, que era judío. En 1940, Gutmann acompañado de su mujer y sus hijos pudo emigrar a Estados Unidos y allí -según el historiador Werner Maser -recibió una pensión pagada por el Tercer Reich hasta el final de la guerra, beneficio logrado mediante la intervención de Hitler en persona. Esa curiosidad debe anotarse entre las ironías y contradicciones del régimen nazi, donde también figuraron los Befreiungs-schreiben (Pases Libres) firmados por el propio Führer, que permitían a los judíos con distinguida foja militar eludir la deportación y la muerte en los campos, junto con sus mujeres y demás familiares. En una categoría aparte aparecen -siempre en la recopilación realizada por Rigg -los judíos que adoptaron otra identidad para integrar el ejército y hasta simular una afiliación al nazismo, como ocurrió en el caso real de Shlomo Perel (oculto bajo el nombre de Josef Perjell) que peleó en el frente oriental y cuya increíble historia fue relatada en cine por la directora Agnieszka Holland en 1990 (Europa, Europa, también conocida como Hitler junge Salomon). Ahora, en el material seleccionado para "Los soldados judíos de Hitler", Mundzeck y Rigg incluyen "historias personales donde el cinismo con que los nazis implementaron su política de arianizacion, deja al espectador sin aliento". Sería interesante que esa película documental, cuyo friso histórico incluye declaraciones de sobrevivientes y testigos directos de la época, y que tuvo rodaje en varias ciudades alemanas y en Dallas (Texas) llegara a una distribución internacional y pudiera ser vista por aquí.

leído en ver

THE CASE OF THE MURDERED MOUSE

By Barry Rubin

Background: The Hamas satellite TV channel produced a children’s show Tomorrow’s Pioneers, which should have been called Tomorrow’s Suicide Bombers, designed to get children to kill Israelis, or Jews in general, and participate in a radical Islamist attempt at world conquest. We know this because that is what the show’s hosts and their mascot, the high-voiced Farfur the mouse (based on Mickey) said. International media often reported that the show only asked the children to “fight” or “resist” Israel but this was a clear misrepresentation of the program’s incitement to terrorism, antisemitism, and even—in a departure from past Hamas propaganda—calls for an Islamist-dominated planet.

Given the controversy around Farfur, however, Hamas decided to make him a true example for the children to emulate, by becoming a martyr. Thus, Al-Aqsa television claimed that Farfur was murdered by an Israeli official wanting to grab his land. But is that true? The killing was not actually shown on television. One wonders….

Gaza City, another hot and dreary night. The air was unbearably humid and still off the Mediterranean. It was sweltering. Especially for those of us who lacked air-conditioning. I can’t afford it because business isn’t too good. My name is Sami Spade and I’m a private detective. A good and honest one, which is to say a very poor one.

I can’t even afford a secretary. It isn’t that there isn’t a lot of crime around Gaza City but the police are corrupt, the courts are corrupt, and most of the crime is being done by the authorities and their friends, relatives, patrons, and clients. Kidnappings? In plenty but those who grab people are too powerful to get them sprung. Disappeared people? There are lots of folks who want them to stay disappeared. Extortion, terrorism, gun battles. Above my pay level. That’s for sure.

And that’s why I was surprised by a knock on my door. Well, not a knock exactly, more like a scratching. It was persistent. The rent was overdue, of course, but my landlord didn’t scratch at the door, he knocked it down altogether. Curious I carefully tiptoed to the portal and with a single heave pulled it open fast.

To my amazement a tiny mouse fell across my threshold heavily to the floor with an anguished squeak.

“Who are you and what do you want? I haven’t got any cheese,” I growled.

The mouse got up and dusted himself off. “You got me wrong. I don’t need no stinkin’ cheese,” said the mouse. “I’m here on business.” The mouse looked around, “Quite a hole ya got here,” he added.

“What kind of business do you have with me?”

“An investigation of course. You’re a PI aren’t you.”

“That’s what it says on the door, rodent,” I answered.

The mouse looked hurt. “We don’t like that term. You don’t have to get personal,” he answered softly.

“Sorry,” I said back. “Ok. Come in and sit down.” The mouse walked in and climbed on my only other chair. I settled behind my desk, checking the drawer to make sure my .45 automatic was there. Just in case. The mouse could be setting a trap. “Any way, how can a mouse pay for a PI?”

“Don’t worry,” said the mouse smugly. “I have a lot of dough, a lot of bread even. But let me explain. My name is al-Hammett. But I’m so fast that my friends call me Dash.”

“Dash al-Hammett,” I mused, “sounds familiar. What’s up?”

“Have you heard of Hamas’s biggest TV star? Farfur? He’s my cousin. Or should I say he was my cousin. Farfur has been murdered. I have a very rich uncle who lives in Hollywood, name of Mickey. He wants to find out what really happened to Farfur. And he’s willing to pay. How about 500 dinars a day plus expenses?”

I couldn’t help but whistle. “Sounds pretty good to me. Tell me more.”

“As you know, Hamas says that Israel did him in because he wouldn’t sign over his land. I think it’s a frame. That Saraa, the teenage host? I never trusted her. And Mickey said something before he died.”

“Yeah?”

“He told me that if anything happened to him not to believe it was the Israelis. Look, Sam, I know you don’t mix in politics….”

“I’ve found it’s a lot healthier that way.”

“Sure I know what you mean. But here’s the story. All the Arab regimes and radical movements blame America and Israel for everything to cover up their own crimes. Right?”

I nodded. “Everyone knows that, everyone but most of the Western Middle East experts, a lot of the journalists, and some of the politicians. So you think that’s what’s going on here?”

“Absolutely. Maybe Farfur got the goods on some corrupt act or something. And they knocked him off because he knew too much. Wouldn’t be the first time. Will you take the case?”

“Sounds pretty risky,” I said.

“OK, make it 600 dinars a day.” He reached into a pouch around his waist and pulled out a thick wad of bills.

“You have a deal,” I said.

Later that night, much later, I headed for Al-Aqsa TV studios, wearing my trench coat and fedora. There were no stars and the night was dark. I had the tools of my trade with me and the night-watchman there was known to fall asleep on the job. Sure enough I easily jimmied the backdoor, slid inside, switched on my flashlight, and headed straight for Saraa’s office. It wasn’t hard to find the documents. They were right on her desk. They told the real tale. Farfur wasn’t killed by the Israelis. He had decided that Gaza was too hot for him, he was fed up by the lies, the propaganda, the killing. Makes sense. Hell of a job, luring little children to blow themselves up by giving them promises of rewards in heaven. Makes me sick to my stomach just to think of it.

Suddenly, I heard a sound and darted behind the desk. It looked like the whole Hamas army barrelled in. I had set off a silent alarm. I looked at the window and then I looked at the machineguns levelled at me. It was no contest. I raised my hand.

“So, Sami Spade,” said their leader. I knew who he was, too, Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas prime minister. “We meet again.”

“Listen, Haniyeh I retorted,” knowing only a tough act could let me bluff my way out. “I know about your scheme. You murdered Farfur because he was going to flee and tell all about your con game.”

He chuckled and shook his head. “Ah, Sami you have always been a sucker for a pretty face or a big bank roll. Do you think you can fight us? We write op-eds in the New York Times and Washington Post about how we want peace!” His henchmen guffawed. “The Europeans are ready to give us lots of money!” One of the gunsels started to shake with mirth. “And even the U.S. State Department is talking about dealing with our brothers in Egypt and elsewhere!” The gunsel actually fell on the floor and rolled around laughing hysterically.

“Do you think you can stop us? Soon we will be even in New York, like our friends on September 11.”

“There are areas of Brooklyn I wouldn’t go into if I were you,” I sneered.

“Don’t worry about us, Sam. Everyone will think that we can be made moderate. And everyone will think that the Israelis murdered Farfur, just like we made them think they killed Muhammad al-Durra.”

“You won’t get away with it. The democracies will resist you and help the liberal Arabs fight you. Don't you know that September 11 changed everything?”

“Oh, yes,” smiled Haniyeh. “You just don’t get it. The last man who said that is now the most unpopular leader in the world. You see, the decadent West thinks that sex sells while we believe that antisemitism sells even better. Take him away, boys,” Haniyeh gestured.

Barry Rubin is director of the GLORIA Center http://gloria.idc.ac.il and editor of

the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal

http://meria.idc.ac.il. His latest book is The Truth About Syria

(Palgrave-Macmillan)

http://www.palgrave-usa.com/catalog/product.aspx?isbn=1403982732